The world's most neglected crisis.
Last updated: December 26, 2025 — Day 993 of the war (Day 1,000 arrives January 8, 2026 — 13 days)
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This is not a simple civil war. It's a power struggle between two military forces that once ruled Sudan together—both born from decades of authoritarian violence, both backed by foreign powers with competing interests.
SAF (Sudanese Armed Forces): The national army, led by General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan. Controls the recognized government, now operating from Port Sudan after losing Khartoum. Traces its lineage through every coup and dictatorship in Sudan's post-independence history.
RSF (Rapid Support Forces): A paramilitary force led by Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo ("Hemedti"). Evolved from the Janjaweed militias responsible for the 2003-2004 Darfur genocide. Formally incorporated into Sudan's security apparatus in 2013. Grew wealthy through gold mining and mercenary contracts (including fighters sent to Yemen). Now controls most of Darfur, parts of Kordofan, and has committed documented genocide.
In 2019, a popular revolution toppled Omar al-Bashir's 30-year dictatorship. SAF and RSF jointly seized power in an October 2021 coup, ending the civilian transition. By 2023, tensions over integrating the RSF into the national army exploded into war. The SAF wanted the RSF dissolved over 10 years; Hemedti wanted 2. Neither trusted the other. On April 15, 2023, fighting began in Khartoum. It never stopped.
Supporting SAF: Egypt (shares border, fears instability and Nile water disputes), Turkey, Iran, and elements of Saudi Arabia. Egypt has warned of "red lines" if RSF threatens Sudanese territorial integrity.
Supporting RSF: The UAE is the primary backer. UN briefings reveal the UAE has constructed "an extensive military air bridge operation, flying weapons to the Rapid Support Forces via client regimes in Chad, Libya, the Central African Republic, South Sudan, and Somalia's Puntland region." Hemedti's gold and mercenary wealth flows through UAE networks. The Wagner Group (now Africa Corps) has provided support as Russia seeks influence in the region.
The Pattern: Weapons from at least a dozen countries are in use by both sides. Secretary Rubio noted "all these weapons are acquired from abroad" and that outside actors "have leverage" but haven't used it to stop the killing.
Neither army fights for Sudanese civilians—both have committed documented atrocities. The RSF's genocide in Darfur echoes the Janjaweed campaigns two decades ago. The SAF's drone strikes kill civilians in areas it claims to protect. Peace talks have failed repeatedly because neither side has incentive to stop. The UAE profits from instability; Egypt fears RSF victory; civilians die in between. This isn't a conflict that will end when one side wins. Both sides winning looks the same: authoritarian rule built on mass graves.
The 2025 genocide in Darfur is not new. It is a continuation. Understanding the 2003-2005 genocide helps explain why the world's inaction now is a choice with precedent.
In February 2003, rebel groups in Darfur—the Sudan Liberation Movement (SLM) and Justice and Equality Movement (JEM)—rose against the government of Omar al-Bashir, protesting decades of marginalization. Bashir's response was extermination.
The Sudanese military could not defeat the rebels alone. So Bashir mobilized the Janjaweed—Arab militias drawn from nomadic tribes, armed by the government, promised the land of those they displaced. The name means "devils on horseback." They earned it.
The pattern was systematic: Sudanese Air Force planes would bomb a village. Then the Janjaweed would ride in—burning homes, killing men and boys, raping women and girls, poisoning wells, slaughtering livestock. Villages were erased. The goal was not military victory but demographic transformation: empty the land of its non-Arab inhabitants.
Deaths: Estimates range from 200,000 to 400,000. The Sudanese government claims 10,000. Independent researchers and the ICC documented mass graves, systematic village destruction, and coordinated killing campaigns.
Displaced: 2.5 million people driven from their homes. Many fled to Chad. Refugee camps swelled with survivors who had lost everything.
Villages destroyed: Over 400 villages completely razed by 2005. Satellite imagery showed the pattern—before images of thriving settlements, after images of ash.
Sexual violence: Rape was used systematically as a weapon. Survivors reported being told "We want to change the color of this skin"—ethnic cleansing through forced pregnancy.
The United States called it genocide in 2004—the first time the U.S. government used that term for an ongoing crisis. Secretary of State Colin Powell testified to the Senate: "genocide has been committed in Darfur."
What followed: A UN Commission of Inquiry. An ICC investigation. An arrest warrant for Omar al-Bashir—the first sitting head of state indicted by the ICC. Resolutions. Condemnations. Expressions of concern.
What did not follow: Intervention. Bashir remained in power until 2019. He traveled to countries that refused to arrest him. The Janjaweed were never dismantled—they were formalized. In 2013, Bashir renamed them the Rapid Support Forces and placed them under the command of Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, known as Hemedti. The men who committed the 2003-2005 genocide became the official paramilitary of the Sudanese state.
The RSF is the Janjaweed. Same commanders. Same soldiers. Same tactics. Same targets.
When Yale's Humanitarian Research Lab documents mass graves in El Fasher in 2025, they are documenting the work of an organization that committed genocide twenty years ago and was never held accountable. When the UN warns of "alarming indicators associated with genocide risk," the indicators are not new—they are a repetition.
The Janjaweed's promotion to RSF sent a message: mass killing in Darfur carries no consequence. The 2003-2005 genocide ended not with justice but with absorption into the state. The perpetrators grew wealthy. Hemedti became one of Sudan's most powerful men, his gold-mining empire funding the force that now controls most of Darfur.
This is what impunity produces. The international community named the genocide, documented it, issued warrants—and then watched as the perpetrators were rewarded. Now they are doing it again, and the world's response follows the same script: documentation without intervention, condemnation without consequence.
On December 22, 2024—twenty-one years after the genocide began—the International Criminal Court issued its first conviction for Darfur atrocities. Ali Kushayb, a Janjaweed commander, received a 20-year sentence.
Survivors were divided. Some called it justice too late and too limited. Others saw any accountability as progress. Kushayb is now in his 70s. Most of his victims are dead. Most of his fellow perpetrators remain free—some now lead the RSF.
The conviction proves the crimes were real and documented. It also proves that accountability can take two decades to reach a single mid-level commander while the architects of genocide remain at large or in power.
While bodies are still being burned in El Fasher, the international system is already preparing for managed forgetting. The language reveals the priorities.
On December 23, 2025, Prime Minister Kamil Idris presented a peace plan to the UN Security Council. Its provisions include RSF withdrawal, disarmament, supervised camps, and monitored ceasefire. But buried in the framework: RSF fighters "not implicated in war crimes" would be "reintegrated into society."
December 24 update: The RSF has formally rejected the plan. Their rejection was immediate and unsurprising—a plan demanding they withdraw from territory taken through documented genocide asks them to surrender their gains. Peace talks continue to fail because neither side has incentive to stop. The diplomatic carousel spins while El Fasher's dead go uncounted.
The question this raises: Who decides who is "implicated"? By what process? The Yale School of Public Health documented "widespread and systematic mass killing" after the RSF took El Fasher—60,000 to 68,000+ dead. Satellite imagery shows 150+ clusters of human remains. What proportion of an army that massacred a city can be deemed "not implicated"?
This is not peace. This is the architecture of impunity being constructed in plain sight.
This is not unprecedented. Rwanda 1994: 800,000 killed, followed by decades of impunity for many perpetrators. Darfur 2003-2004: genocide documented by the ICC, but Omar al-Bashir never faced trial. Bosnia: Srebrenica massacre followed by negotiated settlements that reintegrated many responsible.
The pattern repeats: atrocity, documentation, international hand-wringing, then deals that prioritize "stability" over justice. The phrase "reintegration of fighters not implicated in war crimes" signals that Sudan is entering this phase—the phase where the world decides it is more important to end the violence than to hold anyone accountable for it.
The 27% figure: The UN's $4.2 billion humanitarian appeal for Sudan is only 27% funded. The world had resources to respond. It chose not to. That choice—repeated across months—is also a form of impunity. Not for the fighters, but for the international system that watched.
Sudan now tops the IRC Emergency Watchlist for the third consecutive year. 33.7 million in humanitarian need—the largest crisis since records began. The largest and fastest displacement crisis in the world.
El Fasher has fallen. RSF took control after 18-month siege. Satellite imagery shows mass graves. Evidence is being destroyed. 107,000+ fled.
12.2+ million forcibly displaced total: 9.58M internally displaced (IOM DTM Sep 2025) + 2.6M returnees, plus millions more across borders to Chad, Egypt, South Sudan, CAR, Ethiopia—the world's largest displacement crisis. One place: Tawila →
45,000+ crossed into Chad in past month alone
400,000+ estimated killed since April 2023 (December 2025 estimate—true toll possibly far higher)
30.4 million needing vital assistance (December 2025 update)
20+ million expected to need food aid at peak lean season (45%+ of population)—per FEWS NET
21.2 million facing acute food insecurity (45% of population); 12 areas now in confirmed famine
El Fasher and Kadugli among 12 famine-declared areas; 20 more at imminent risk
234+ medical workers killed, 507+ wounded, 59 missing, 73 detained
1,600+ killed in attacks on medical facilities in 2025 alone
80% of global healthcare facility attack deaths in 2025 are in Sudan
75%+ of hospitals destroyed or out of service; 124,000+ cholera cases, 3,500+ deaths
<10% of regional response funding received—making it impossible to cover even basic needs
2025 Humanitarian Response: $714.2M to Food Security, $131.6M to Health, $130.2M to Protection. Top donors: US ($435.2M), EU ($207.4M), UK ($130.9M). Still far below what's needed.
After taking El Fasher, the RSF has turned toward El-Obeid—the capital of North Kordofan and Sudan's fourth-largest city. If El-Obeid falls, it opens the road to Khartoum.
Population: Pre-war ~440,000. Now swollen with displaced people from across Kordofan.
Strategic position: Controls logistics routes connecting western Sudan to Khartoum. Houses a major army base with the 5th Infantry Division and an airbase.
Economic importance: Commercial hub for gum Arabic—used globally in food, cosmetics, and pharmaceuticals. Sudan produces 70-80% of the world's supply.
What its fall would mean: Would effectively end army presence in western Sudan. Would cement the nation's division. Would give RSF control of critical supply lines and economic infrastructure.
The city is gripped by fear. Residents report "the sound of gunfire, artillery and anti-aircraft guns is horrifying." People are leaving daily, taking buses to safer regions. Over 50,000 displaced from the Kordofans since late October alone.
The RSF captured Babanusa (West Kordofan) in early December after a two-year siege, positioning for an advance on El-Obeid. IOM Chief of Mission: "People in Sudan are not moving by choice, they are running just to find safety."
Some residents still hope. A businessman reports seeing "a constant flow of reinforcements, troops deployed across the city in military vehicles." But the pattern mirrors El Fasher—gradual encirclement, displacement, then assault.
A senior Sudan government official declared there will be "no negotiation, no truce" with the RSF—just days after Prime Minister Kamil Idris presented a new peace plan to the UN Security Council. The statement closes the door on diplomatic resolution for now. The SAF position: defeat the RSF militarily, no talks while they hold territory. Meanwhile, the war enters what the UN calls a "deadlier phase" and civilians continue to die. 10 days until Day 1,000.
The UN Interim Security Force for Abyei (UNISFA) completed its evacuation of the Kadugli Logistics Base on December 25-26. Following the December 13 drone attack that killed six peacekeepers, the UN has withdrawn its personnel from the area. This represents another step in the contraction of international presence in Sudan—the infrastructure of oversight leaving while 33.7 million remain in need.
The United Nations Interim Security Force for Abyei (UNISFA) has completed the evacuation of its logistics base in Kadugli, South Kordofan—ending nearly 13 years of operations at the site. The evacuation follows the December 13 drone attack that killed six Bangladeshi peacekeepers and injured nine others. The base served as headquarters for the Joint Border Verification and Monitoring Mechanism (JBVMM), which monitors the Safe Demilitarized Border Zone between Sudan and South Sudan. "Targeting peacekeepers is a grave violation of international law," UNISFA stated. The evacuation represents a significant setback for Sudan-South Sudan border verification efforts and reflects deteriorating security conditions. UNISFA maintains presence at two other locations: Tishwin and Abu Qussa.
Secretary of State Marco Rubio called the violence in Sudan "horrifying" and pressed for an immediate humanitarian truce. "The new year is a great opportunity for both sides to agree to that," he stated—urging a ceasefire to allow desperately needed aid to reach millions. The war is entering what the UN calls a "deadlier phase" as fighting spreads through Kordofan. Funding for Sudan's 2025 Humanitarian Response Plan stands at approximately 36% of the $4.16 billion required. 8 days until Day 1,000.
The latest humanitarian infographic from OCHA confirms the catastrophic scope: data through November 30, 2025 shows the crisis continuing to outpace response capacity. IMPACT Initiatives has also released new multisectoral site assessments for North and South Darfur documenting conditions in displacement camps. The Security Council briefing from yesterday continues to reverberate. The international community meets, documents, reports—while the killing continues.
The Rapid Support Forces have rejected a peace plan presented by Sudan's government at the United Nations. The Arab League welcomed the proposal, but RSF's rejection signals the war will continue. Christmas Eve, and the parties cannot agree to stop killing. Day 985. No end in sight.
A new IOM Flash Alert quantifies the displacement from El Fasher since its fall: between October 26 and December 8, 2025, approximately 107,294 individuals fled the city. The displacement continues. Meanwhile, IMPACT Initiatives released new multisectoral assessments for North and South Darfur, documenting conditions in displacement sites as the conflict displaces over 13 million people (10 million internally). The displacement from El Fasher alone—one city—would rank among the world's largest mass movements if it were a standalone crisis.
The Security Council briefed on Sudan following intensified violence. The UN warned that the war is entering a deadlier phase as fighting spreads through Kordofan. On December 4, a strike on a kindergarten in Kalogi, South Kordofan—followed by an attack on the hospital treating survivors—killed more than 100 people, including 63 children. On December 13, drone strikes hit a UN logistics base in Kadugli, killing 6 Bangladeshi peacekeepers and injuring 9 others. On December 21, a drone strike on a market in Al Malha, North Darfur killed at least 10. The RSF's capture of Heglig on December 8—a key oil processing hub—represents a major territorial gain.
The World Food Programme has secured baseline conditions with the RSF to begin humanitarian operations inside El Fasher—the first potential access since the city fell in October. An estimated 70,000-100,000 people remain trapped in conditions described as "beyond horrific." Network blackouts have cut most communication with those inside. WFP convoys are already moving toward Tawila with supplies for 700,000 people for one month. Whether RSF allows actual access remains to be seen—but this is the first break in two months. Meanwhile, over 45,000 Sudanese have crossed into Chad in the past month alone, part of the largest and fastest displacement crisis in the world.
The European Union has launched an "air bridge" to bring eight planeloads of humanitarian aid into Sudan's Darfur region, carrying €3.5 million of life-saving supplies. The flights deliver food, medicine, and shelter materials as the crisis escalates. This follows the RSF's capture of El Fasher in October and continued violence across Kordofan. "Sudan is the world's largest humanitarian crisis," the EU stated. The air bridge supplements ground convoys that face persistent access challenges and attacks.
Nearly 1,700 displaced people—mostly children and women—fled Heglig after RSF seized the strategic oil field. Arriving at Gos Alsalam camp in Kosti, they find tents pitched in haste, supplies running out.
One mother named Umm Azmi delivered her newborn without medical assistance during the journey: "I was trying for nine months... but I gave birth in the street—the condition is very difficult. I had just given birth, and I had nothing to eat."
An elderly woman: "We left without anything... we just took some clothes."
14 million have now been forced to flee their homes. 21 million face acute hunger. These are not statistics. These are individual people making individual journeys, giving birth in streets, arriving with nothing.
Ms. Edem Wosornu, representing OCHA, delivered the organization's 10th Security Council briefing on Sudan this year. "As this catastrophic war nears the 1,000-day mark, its devastating toll on civilians continues to expand and intensify. The brutality of this conflict appears to have no bounds."
South Kordofan (Dec 4-16): 100+ civilians killed by drone strikes. A kindergarten in Kalogi: 43 children dead. A hospital in Dilling: 6 killed including medical personnel. A UNISFA base in Kadugli struck Dec 13, killing Bangladeshi peacekeepers and forcing UN/INGO staff to relocate. Humanitarian Coordinator Denise Brown couldn't reach Kadugli on Dec 15—too volatile.
Wider pattern: WFP truck struck in North Kordofan Dec 5 (driver seriously injured)—6th attack on WFP assets this year. 65 attacks on healthcare documented since January. A drone strike near Adre crossing Dec 7 endangered the "indispensable" lifeline for all of Darfur. Drone strikes on Atbara power stations caused widespread blackouts. 16.8 million have received some humanitarian support since January—but needs far outpace response.
Prime Minister Kamil Idris (appointed by SAF in May) presented a peace initiative to the UN Security Council: ceasefire monitored by UN/AU/Arab League, RSF withdrawal from all occupied territory, RSF forces placed in supervised camps, disarmament, and free elections after transition. "Stand on the right side of history," he told the Council.
RSF response: No comment. Highly unlikely to accept terms that require surrender of military gains.
US position: Deputy Ambassador Jeffrey Bartos urged both sides to accept a humanitarian truce "without preconditions immediately."
UAE response: Ambassador Abushahab warned that "unilateral efforts by either of the warring parties are not sustainable and will only prolong the war." Sudan has filed an ICJ case against UAE for "complicity in genocide" through military, financial, and political backing of RSF.
This is day 990. Ten days until the 1,000-day mark.
Reporting from displacement camps shows the human cost continuing to mount. Supplies are running out. A UN official noted the "increased disrespect" of international humanitarian law in the White Nile region. The pattern repeats: violence forces flight, flight overwhelms camps, camps run out of resources.
A severe measles outbreak is spreading through Darfur as the healthcare system remains devastated. With 75%+ of hospitals destroyed or non-functional, preventable diseases are becoming death sentences. The outbreak adds another layer to the humanitarian catastrophe.
Conflict and disease continue devastating Darfur's capital. Mass displacement to surrounding camps continues as residents flee violence and cholera. The city that was North Darfur's last major holdout is emptying.
Former Janjaweed militia commander Ali Kushayb received a 20-year sentence from the International Criminal Court for war crimes in Darfur. Survivors expressed "sharply differing views" on whether the punishment was adequate. Some called it too lenient for genocide; others saw any accountability as progress. This is the first ICC conviction for Darfur atrocities.
CNN investigation concluded that the Sudanese Armed Forces' operations in El Gezira state constitute systematic targeting based on ethnicity. Both sides of this conflict have documented patterns of ethnic violence—a reminder that neither army fights for civilians.
The conflict has killed 234 medical professionals since the war began. Sexual violence against civilians continues escalating. With 75%+ of hospitals destroyed or non-functional, even treatable conditions become death sentences.
Yale Humanitarian Research Lab's satellite analysis confirms RSF mass casualties in El Fasher, with apparent attempts to conceal evidence of mass graves. The same satellite documentation methods used to track the Darfur genocide 20 years ago now record its continuation.
The Ayin Network—Sudanese journalists documenting atrocities from inside the conflict—won the 2024 Dutch Human Rights Tulip, the Netherlands' annual award for grassroots human rights defenders. While 90% of Sudan's media infrastructure has been destroyed, these journalists continue recording evidence. They are documenting what is happening at immense personal risk. This is what witness looks like.
Radio Dabanga's international press roundup reports: "Fasher has become a large prison, and Kordofan [is] a field of coming genocide." The world's media is beginning to notice what's unfolding in the Kordofan region after El Fasher. The pattern is repeating.
Radio Dabanga reports a severe water crisis and paralysis of health services and fuel in El-Obeid, capital of North Kordofan. The city's population—swollen with displaced people—faces infrastructure collapse as RSF forces advance. This matches the pattern seen before El Fasher fell: siege conditions, service breakdown, then assault.
A story from El Fasher documented by Radio Dabanga. The RSF's mass killings continue to be uncovered. This is what "documenting atrocities" means: people finding pieces of their neighbors.
The Sudanese Armed Forces announced they have regained control of a strategic area in North Kordofan, pushing back RSF advances toward El-Obeid. The front lines remain fluid. The fighting over Kordofan's transport and economic infrastructure continues as both sides vie for control of this critical region.
The UN briefed the Security Council on "targeted sexual violence and summary executions" in North Darfur, documented in a new human rights report. The violence is attributed to paramilitary fighters who captured El Fasher in late October. The briefing called on the international community not to ignore the systematic nature of these crimes.
OCHA's Director of Crisis Response Edem Wosornu briefed the Security Council: "As this catastrophic war nears the 1,000-day mark, its devastating toll on civilians continues to expand and intensify. The brutality of this conflict appears to have no bounds." Key updates: Over 100 civilians killed in drone strikes December 4-16 in South Kordofan alone. Kalogi kindergarten and hospital strike on December 4 killed at least 89 people—including 43 children. Hospital strike in Dilling December 14 killed 6, injured 12 including medical personnel. WFP truck attacked December 5 (sixth WFP attack this year). UN convoy to Kadugli blocked December 15. Katila (South Darfur) drone strike killed 30+. WHO documented 65 healthcare attacks in Sudan since January, with 1,600+ killed and 276 injured. Drone strike near Adre crossing (Chad border—"indispensable" for humanitarian operations) on December 7. Atbara power station strike caused widespread blackouts December 20. The OCHA call: "Month after month, we have highlighted deadly attacks against civilians... We have urged the Council to use its collective influence and the full set of tools at its disposal... But over the past year, we have seen yet more atrocities." 16.8 million people have received some humanitarian support since January. But "our system is under unprecedented strain and, increasingly, under direct attack."
The RSF captured Heglig—Sudan's largest oil facility—pushing out government forces. This shifts the war's economic dynamics significantly. Meanwhile, Yale's Humanitarian Research Lab released findings that RSF forces buried, burned, and removed human remains following mass killings in El Fasher, systematically destroying evidence of atrocities. Researchers identified at least 150 clusters of objects consistent with human remains; by late November, 72% had shrunk, 38% were no longer visible. Displacement camps elsewhere report insufficient food, tents, and equipment. A severe measles outbreak compounds health challenges in Darfur.
The International Criminal Court sentenced Ali Kushayb—a former Janjaweed leader—to 20 years for war crimes and crimes against humanity committed during the 2003-2004 Darfur genocide. This marks the first conviction for atrocities in that conflict. However, survivors are divided: some see it as long-overdue justice, others feel the sentence inadequate for crimes that killed hundreds of thousands. The verdict comes as current RSF atrocities in El Fasher echo the same patterns of ethnic targeting.
CNN investigators documented evidence suggesting Sudan's Armed Forces conducted a campaign in El Gezira that "constitutes ethnic targeting." This complicates the narrative of the conflict—while the RSF has committed genocide in Darfur, the SAF is also implicated in atrocities. Neither army fights for civilians. Both have committed documented war crimes.
Over 107,000 people have now fled El Fasher as fighting intensifies and disease spreads throughout Darfur. The combination of mass displacement, collapsed healthcare, and blocked vaccines is creating conditions for preventable deaths on a massive scale. Healthcare worker toll rises: 234 killed, continuing to climb.
General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan met with Saudi Arabia's Crown Prince to discuss efforts to "restore Sudan stability." International diplomatic engagement continues, but so far negotiations have produced no lasting ceasefire. The RSF accepted a three-month truce proposal; the SAF rejected it, citing RSF crimes against civilians.
Drone attacks targeted the logistics base of the United Nations Interim Force for Abyei (UNISFA) in Kadugli, Sudan, killing six peacekeepers and injuring eight others. UN Secretary-General António Guterres strongly condemned the "horrific" attacks, warning that they may constitute war crimes. Directing attacks against peacekeeping personnel is a grave violation of international humanitarian law.
The International Organization for Migration (IOM) warned that El-Obeid in the Kordofan region is now "one or two steps" from being attacked as fighting escalates. Over 50,000 people have been uprooted from the Kordofans region since late October alone. IOM reports that "people are scared, people are fleeing their homes" as the conflict spreads deeper into areas previously considered safer. The pattern mirrors what happened in El Fasher—gradual encirclement, displacement, and eventual assault.
Authorities report they "don't have enough food, tents, and equipment to accommodate everyone" fleeing the conflict. Meanwhile, Darfur faces a severe measles outbreak amid continued violence. The combination of mass displacement, collapsed healthcare, and vaccine blockages is creating conditions for preventable deaths on a massive scale.
The World Food Programme disclosed it needs nearly $700 million over six months to sustain Sudan operations. Without funding, rations will be cut to 70% for those already in famine, 50% for those at risk—"the absolute minimum for survival." Meanwhile, peace negotiations scheduled for this week were postponed after disputes over RSF participation. A US-brokered ceasefire proposal was rejected by Sudan's military chief in November. Up to 100,000 people remain trapped in El Fasher. A local humanitarian group reports 38,000 displaced people have received no food assistance at all.
The Yale School of Public Health's Humanitarian Research Lab released satellite analysis documenting systematic mass killings in El Fasher. Between October 26 and November 28, researchers identified at least 150 "clusters of objects consistent with human remains"—blood-stained areas, charred earth, and disturbed ground indicating mass graves. By November 28, 72% of these clusters had shrunk; 38% were no longer visible. The RSF is actively destroying evidence of atrocities "likely in the tens of thousands." Eight mass grave sites were identified in the Daraja Oula neighbourhood. Patterns include door-to-door killings, execution-style violence, and killings at detention sites. The ICC is working to preserve evidence. This may be the worst single war crime of Sudan's civil war.
Former PM Hamdok and Sudan Liberation Movement signed a Nairobi Declaration of Principles calling for a three-month truce, permanent ceasefire, and civilian transition. They classified the National Congress Party as a terrorist organization. But observers say this only fragments civilian forces further. Researcher Hamid Khalafallah: "mirrors earlier civilian formations that failed to connect with Sudanese citizens." The EU calls it a "distraction" from AU-led consolidation. Another declaration. Another platform. People keep dying.
UNICEF reports communities in Dilling and Kadugli (South Kordofan) are now trapped in siege conditions. The RSF reportedly seized control of a SAF base in Babanusa, West Kordofan on December 1 after a week of heavy fighting. 20 areas beyond El Fasher and Kadugli now face acute risk of famine by January 2026. The EU has begun airlifting 100 tons of humanitarian aid to Darfur—a €3.5 million operation running through January.
Doctors Without Borders issued an urgent statement calling on Sudan's authorities to allow vaccine transportation to save lives. Over 1,300 measles cases have been recorded since September. Children are dying from preventable diseases because vaccines cannot reach them. MSF called the barriers to vaccine access "unconscionable" as the health system collapses around millions of displaced people.
On December 16, former PM Hamdok and the Sudan Liberation Movement (Abdelwahid al-Nur) signed a Declaration of Principles in Nairobi, calling for a three-month truce leading to permanent ceasefire and civilian transition. The signatories classified the National Congress Party as a terrorist organization and called for a single professional army under civilian oversight. But the EU wants "only one civilian process" and views Nairobi as a "distraction" from AU-led consolidation. Researcher Hamid Khalafallah argues it "mirrors earlier civilian formations that failed to connect with Sudanese citizens"—elite-driven politics that doesn't reach those most affected. Whether this represents genuine civilian mobilization or another fragmented platform remains to be seen.
A report finds the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces responsible for the vast majority of sexual violence attacks as the conflict devastates the civilian population. Sexual violence is being used as a weapon of war.
The city's population—comparable to Luxembourg's—is now trapped in what the UN calls an ongoing humanitarian catastrophe. UNFPA warns "the dangerous ordeal of El Fasher's escapees is not over." Tens of thousands remain unable to flee.
UN aid agencies announced an "agreement in principle with the Rapid Support Forces for a set of minimum conditions to enter the city" of El Fasher. Between 70,000 and 100,000 people remain trapped inside after the RSF took control in October. Meanwhile, Tawila—the displacement site most refugees fled to—now holds more than 650,000 people, making it the largest IDP concentration in Sudan. The WFP describes conditions in El Fasher as "beyond horrific." The UN expects to conduct initial assessments soon.
Due to lack of funding, the UN World Food Programme announced that starting January 2026, rations in Sudan will be reduced to the absolute minimum needed for survival. 21.2 million people—nearly half of Sudan's population—face acute food insecurity. Only 35% of required humanitarian funding has been provided.
RSF bombardment in Kordofan kills 16 civilians as the paramilitary group continues offensive operations in the strategically critical region. The US is pushing for ceasefire negotiations as violence intensifies. This follows days of escalating attacks on civilian areas.
The UN Human Rights Office expressed alarm at escalating violence in Kordofan. On December 14, a drone strike on a hospital in Dilling, South Kordofan, killed at least six people and injured twelve, including medical personnel. Medical facilities have specific protection under international humanitarian law. Directing attacks against peacekeeping personnel may amount to a war crime. The UN is urging all parties to ensure an immediate ceasefire.
With the RSF advancing aggressively into Kordofan after taking El Fasher, the capital of North Kordofan is next in their sights. More than 50,000 people have been displaced from the Kordofans since late October. In Kadugli (South Kordofan capital), 90,000-100,000 may be displaced if fighting continues.
New estimates place the total deaths from the El Fasher massacre between 60,000 and 68,000+. At least 1,500 people were killed in just 48 hours after the RSF seized the city. The speed and intensity of the killings has been compared to the first 24 hours of the Rwandan genocide. Yale's Humanitarian Research Lab has documented RSF attempts to cover up mass killings by burning and burying bodies.
The RSF agreed to a three-month humanitarian truce proposed by the Quad countries (US, Saudi Arabia, UAE, Egypt). The Sudanese Armed Forces rejected the proposal, citing RSF crimes against civilians in El Fasher and calling it a ploy to allow RSF consolidation of control over Darfur and parts of Kordofan.
A UN Human Rights Office report detailed atrocities during a three-day RSF assault on Zamzam camp for internally displaced persons. At least 1,013 civilians killed. Findings include widespread summary executions, torture, sexual and gender-based violence, abductions, and enforced disappearances. Zamzam sheltered over 400,000 displaced people before the attack.
RSF paramilitaries destroyed the last functioning hospital in Darfur's el-Fasher. Hundreds of patients killed, doctors taken. Meanwhile, Radio Dabanga—the last independent Sudanese news station, broadcasting from Amsterdam since 2008—is faltering after USAID cuts slashed more than half its $3 million budget. Staff and freelancers cut; morning broadcasts briefly suspended. One listener from a Chad refugee camp wrote: "We don't know what is happening to our families and we depend very much on Radio Dabanga." About 90% of Sudan's media infrastructure has been destroyed. More than 400 journalists have fled. Over a dozen killed or kidnapped.
Yale's Humanitarian Research Lab confirmed RSF mass killings through satellite analysis. Of 150 clusters initially identified as consistent with human remains, nearly 60 are no longer visible—evidence of systematic body disposal and cover-up. Markets stand empty. Survivors describe "a crime scene" with burnt bodies and ethnically targeted executions.
The RSF took control of el-Fasher—the last major city in Darfur not under their control—on October 27, 2025, after an 18-month siege that cut residents off from food, medicine, and critical supplies. More than 100,000 people fled. Those who escaped reported mass killings, kidnappings, and widespread sexual violence. UN human rights chief Volker Turk accused the RSF of committing "the gravest of crimes." The fall occurred 57 days before the war's 1,000-day mark.
The European Union has begun airlifting aid to Darfur, running through January 2026 at a cost of €3.5 million. This comes as only 35% of the required humanitarian funding has been provided globally—Sudan remains the world's most neglected crisis according to a survey of 22 global aid organizations.
The RSF seized Heglig oilfield—Sudan's largest—forcing out the Sudanese Armed Forces. This prompted an unprecedented response: South Sudan's army moved in to secure the critical facility amid fears of war spillover. South Sudan relies heavily on Heglig infrastructure for its own oil exports. The capture marks the conflict's expansion into strategic resource infrastructure and the war's first major internationalization involving foreign military deployment.
The RSF announced control of Babanusa, the last SAF-held city in West Kordofan, after a prolonged siege. Analysts warn that with Babanusa fallen, the RSF is likely to move toward North Kordofan's el-Obeid, Sudan's fourth-largest city.
Secretary of State Marco Rubio called the violence "horrifying" and "atrocious," warning that "everyone involved is going to look bad" when the full scope becomes known. He emphasized that "all these weapons are acquired from abroad" and outside actors—including Turkey, Egypt, and Saudi Arabia supporting the SAF, and the UAE allegedly backing the RSF—have leverage to bring parties to negotiations. SAF chief al-Burhan met Saudi Crown Prince on Dec 15, expressing readiness to work with the US on peace efforts. Egypt and the US jointly rejected "any attempts to divide Sudan" and called for a comprehensive ceasefire. Egypt warned it would not allow "red lines" to be crossed, citing concerns over territorial integrity after the RSF declared a rival administration in Darfur.
Bombardment occurs amid escalating violence as Sudan's war shifts decisively toward the strategic Kordofan region.
UN Special Adviser on Genocide Prevention Chaloka Beyani warned that mass atrocities in Darfur "show alarming indicators associated with the risk of genocide." The UN reports the war is "entering a deadlier phase" with fighting spreading to Kordofan. Over 50,000 displaced from Kordofan since late October. El Fasher remains besieged—tens of thousands trapped. Reports of targeted sexual violence and summary executions. Day 988 of the war.
The United States officially declared that the Rapid Support Forces have committed genocide in Sudan. Sanctions have been imposed on RSF leader Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo (Hemedti). This follows documented mass killings in El Fasher, systematic sexual violence, and attacks on civilians across Darfur and Kordofan.
RSF drones struck the Atbara power plant in River Nile state, plunging Khartoum, Port Sudan, and other major cities into blackout. Two civil defense members killed; rescue workers injured when second strike hit responders. Al Jazeera: "The RSF drones are going thousands of kilometres across Sudan because they think it is a way to weaken the government." This follows at least 104 civilians killed in RSF drone strikes across Kordofan since early December—including 89 killed when a kindergarten and hospital in Kalogi were hit.
New IOM data confirms 107,294 people displaced from El Fasher between October 26 and December 8, 2025. 75% of them were already internally displaced—IDPs displaced again. Most (72%) remain within El Fasher locality, trapped in rural villages to the west and north of the city. The situation remains "tense and highly fluid." Measles is spreading—over 1,300 cases since September—as MSF urges authorities to remove barriers blocking vaccine transportation.
Victims of violence in western Sudan have expressed divided opinions on the recent judicial decision against alleged perpetrator Ali Kushayb.
French news agencies report hundreds of Colombian former soldiers have been recruited to participate in Sudan's war, motivated by financial incentives.
Security forces conducted widespread arrests coinciding with December anniversary commemorations, creating fear among residents.
The UN Security Council issued a statement condemning drone attacks targeting UNISFA peacekeepers in Sudan. This represents a dangerous escalation in threats against international humanitarian operations.
RSF drone strikes hit a pre-school in Kalogi, South Kordofan. WHO chief Tedros: at least 114 killed including 63 children. UNICEF: "Killing children in their school is a horrific violation of children's rights." Three consecutive strikes—first the kindergarten, then the hospital, then rescuers. UN human rights chief Volker Turk: "It is truly shocking to see history repeating itself in Kordofan so soon after the horrific events in el-Fasher." By December 17, at least 104 civilians killed in Kordofan drone strikes. Six UN peacekeepers from Bangladesh killed in Kadugli on December 13.
Not aggregates. Individuals. The names I could find.
Journalist. Director of the Sudan News Agency (SUNA) office in El-Fasher. Executed by RSF forces in his home in Al-Daraga neighbourhood, alongside his brother, in November 2025. According to the Committee to Protect Journalists, he was "one of the key sources of verified information from El-Fasher during the siege." His disappearance and killing had "a devastating impact on the flow of independent reporting from North Darfur." He documented what was happening until he was killed for documenting it. CPJ has now recorded at least 15 journalists and media workers killed in Sudan since the war began.
Doctor. Executed by RSF forces after their takeover of El-Fasher in October 2025. The Sudan Doctors Network documented that he was arrested and then "field-executed"—killed on the spot. A violation of international humanitarian law protections for medical personnel. He was treating patients in a city under siege. Then he was gone.
Surgeon at Al-Da'een Hospital and relief activist. Died under mysterious circumstances in Al-Da'een on December 15, 2025. The Committee for Justice is calling for an independent investigation and protection of medical personnel. Another doctor lost. Another name recorded.
Corporal Muhammed Masud Rana, 37, Bangladesh
Private Muhammed Sabuj Mia, 29, Bangladesh
Private Muhammed Jahangir Alam, 29, Bangladesh
Private Santo Mondol, 26, Bangladesh
Private Shamin Reza, 28, Bangladesh
Private Muhammed Mominul Islam, 35, Bangladesh
Killed by drone strike in Kadugli. They came from Bangladesh to keep peace in a country not their own. They were killed doing that work.
I do not know their names. Patients, their companions, medical staff. Satellite imagery shows blood-stained ground. The WHO documented that six health workers—four doctors, a nurse, and a pharmacist—were abducted the same day. The Sudan Doctors Network: "cold-bloodedly killed everyone they found inside." 460+ people. Each had a name. I cannot find them.
MSF is responding to a measles crisis across Darfur, with over 1,300 cases since September. They are calling for authorities to remove barriers blocking vaccine transportation. In 2024, MSF conducted 1 million outpatient consultations, treated 21,500 cholera patients, 191,300 malaria cases, and admitted 39,700 children to feeding programs. Operating in: North, Central, West, and South Darfur; Khartoum; Blue Nile; Kassala; Al-Gedaref; Foro Baranga; Rokero; El Fasher.
Money matters, but political pressure can change the flow of weapons. The UAE arms the RSF. Egypt and Turkey arm the SAF. Both sides acquire weapons from abroad—and outside actors have leverage they have not used.
Sudanese journalists and activists are documenting this at immense personal risk. The Ayin Network just won the Dutch Human Rights Tulip Award. 90% of Sudan's media infrastructure is destroyed. These voices need amplification.